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During the interwar years, a busy market for unregistered sex work animated the shadows of Tonkin. Traffickers smuggled women and girls from rural areas to the cities and provincial capitals, from lowlands up to highland border towns and to military bases. Some stayed only for the short periods between harvests; others remained for the long term or permanently. Many of these migrants ended up ing the intimate labor force, whether intentionally or through manipulation and trickery.

To avoid ruining their reputations by officially registering as sex workers, most worked on the black market. In the margins of the sex industry was an ultrasecretive market for underage girls. Some daughters and orphans were sold into the sex industry; in other cases, migrant girls arriving in the city seeking work and shelter were tricked or forced into sex work. Men looking for underage girls surreptitiously approached market vendors, itinerant flower vendors, or rickshaw pullers, the latter of which played a particularly crucial role in the clandestine sex industry. Clandestine sex workers of all ages crisscrossed the city streets.

In the late-night hours, sex workers hunted for clients from the back of rickshaws. Men hailed rickshaws and then solicited the puller to find them an underage girl, and madams called on pullers to transport underage girls to secret locations to meet customers. Sex workers looking to avoid harassment by the colonial vice police fled to the provinces. They set up camp near military bases, coal mines, border towns, and train depots to profit from the large male customer base at these sites.

Others stayed close to the cities, enabling them to access city amenities and benefit from the wealthy urban customer base. They moved their operations just outside of the colonial-governed cities and provincial capitals, forming a ring of illicit sex work in the suburbs. This chapter explores the relationship between space and the evolution of the black market sex industry. The physical, political, economic, and urban geography of the interwar years all shaped this industry. The physical geography provided hiding spaces, routes, and barriers for smuggling women and girls. The political geography created spaces of legal order and disorder, which sex workers, their managers, human traffickers, and clients artfully used to their advantage.

And the urban geography, marked by the rapid growth of big cities, simultaneously attracted migrant sex workers and provided a substantial customer base. The geographic and political landscape of Tonkin enabled traffickers and clandestine sex workers to evade colonial police. Tonkin bordered China to the north, mountains leading to Laos to the west, the French protectorate of Annam to the south, and the South China Sea to the east see figure 1.

For centuries, there have been established trade routes—through the highlands in the west, south into Annam, and by sea—connecting the Viet people and other ethnic groups in Tonkin and Southeast Asia. Traffickers used these established land routes to transport young women and girls from the highlands to the lowlands, from the countryside to the cities, and across the border into China. Inside the administrative boundaries of the French protectorate, Tonkin was mostly mountainous highlands to the north and west, with a lowland valley that formed the Red River Delta, which opened to the sea on its eastern border.

Among the cases of sex work that I was able to track, the overwhelming majority happened in the lowlands, with the exception of military bases and border cities, for reasons discussed later in this chapter. Operators within the clandestine sex industry used these riverways, ports, and islands to smuggle kidnapped women around Tonkin and north to China.

At roughly miles 1, kilometers long, the Red River starts in southern China and flows through Tonkin. To the northwest of Hanoi, the river branches into tributaries, forming waterways that make up the Red River Delta, a lowland floodplain in the western coastal part of northern Vietnam. The network of waterways connected villages with each other and with the big cities and, as they flowed southeast into the Gulf of Tonkin, provided access to the coast.

Covered in jungle brush, many of the limestone islands had caves. Traffickers easily evaded maritime police by hiding among the islands and taking cover inside the caves. During the colonial period, the treaty structure that determined the degrees of Vietnamese sovereignty over Tonkin in turn shaped the landscape of the sex industry.

As discussed in the introduction of this book, the treaty established Tonkin and Annam as French protectorates, meaning that they were indirectly governed by France and Vietnamese law prevailed in most domestic situations. Inthe colonial government took control of selecting the Vietnamese officials for the royal government while still maintaining indirect control. Villages and provinces were under the legal jurisdiction of the Vietnamese emperor.

As French concessions, these cities were subject to direct colonial rule, and French law prevailed. Military bases were also subject to French law. As a result, Tonkin was Vietnamese territory with proverbial islands of French rule.

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The suburbs thus would become a major site for clandestine sex work. The state improved existing ro and canals while also building new ones that connected the provinces to Hanoi, the capital of Tonkin and, by the s, the administrative seat of Indochina. Two years later, the state began the construction of the railway connecting Hanoi to China, in Yunnan. These transportation-related innovations facilitated the migration—voluntary or forced—of women and girls around the delta, from the countryside to the cities, out to the port, and north to China.

Improved ro enabled sex workers to become more mobile, making it easier for sex workers to flee the vice squad or abusive bosses. The labor force required to build and maintain the ro, railro, and port provided a large customer base. However much transportation was being developed in Tonkin, the provinces still lacked reliable transportation infrastructure for the most part. Rural areas continued to rely on dirt ro and waterways for transportation, thereby influencing trafficking patterns. Of the more than cases of smuggling of women and girls that I examined, I found that human-trafficking activity decreased ificantly in rural areas during the spring and summer months, while city abductions maintained the same rate.

This is likely because spring and summer saw the highest rainfall, leaving dirt ro muddy and waterways flooded and difficult to navigate. Moreover, because summer months are the harvest months for rice, women were employed and families would have been less likely to resort to selling their daughters, who were needed to labor in the fields, during that season.

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Poverty, overpopulation, and environmental disasters in the Red River Delta led women to migrate around the delta or into urban areas, where some ed the clandestine sex industry. Fertile land, as well as colonial medical and technological advancements, made the Red River Delta the most densely populated area in. Red River Delta: Migration of sex workers. Irrigation projects led to larger harvests, and French-built dikes allowed for food to be transported for famine relief.

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Moreover, with medical and technological advances, French colonialism contributed to a population increase in Tonkin. French medical advancements included smallpox vaccine and malaria control. Since the beginning of the twentieth century, the delta experienced considerable population pressure, but there was little expansion of cultivated lands aside from minor irrigation projects. Table 1. There was a fair degree of migration around the Red River Delta.

As Li Tana has shown, during the colonial period, migration in Tonkin was multidirectional. Male and female peasants migrated back and forth between rural and urban areas. They also moved around the delta and from small farms to plantation zones, mining areas, or border towns. Migrations were long-term or seasonal, following the timing of the rice harvest. Such migration was facilitated by the new colonial transportation network of ro, fluvial streams, and railways.

In the late s, the French government instituted a planned migration program that, among other things, exported workers from the delta to Annam and Cochinchina to address a perceived problem of population overload.

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From to7, to 18, workers were recruited from Tonkin and Annam annually. Consistent with this finding, records from the Hanoi Dispensary show that sex workers were often migrants from the rural poor areas of Tonkin. Colonial land policies further impoverished peasants, leading women to seek alternative income through sex work. Before colonization, Vietnamese land was largely communal. When the French took over Tonkin, they introduced a system to convert much of the village land to private property, though it was never fully realized.

The state also appropriated formerly village lands and rewarded the land to collaborating mandarins, some of whom, in turn, sold it off. Former inhabitants of the land were relegated to sharecroppers. They also took out large debts, many of which were repaid through debt bondage of themselves or debt bondage and prostitution of their daughters. Further impoverishing peasants were two colonial economic strategies. The colonial tax system directly taxed individuals and villages. While the colonial government frequently shipped in rice from the Mekong Delta, high population density and poor distribution of food left many peasants malnourished.

Peasants survived from harvest to harvest. Many borrowed money to make it through the next harvest, only to be paid through debt bondage. Families often survived on as little as a bowl of soup per day. Environmental and economic disasters during the interwar years led to large-scale migration to the cities, where many female migrants entered the sex industry. In the summer offlooding in Tonkin decimated the harvest and caused cholera outbreaks. Bankruptcies and wild speculation followed.

Rice exports decreased, and, byrubber prices had fallen to an all-time low. Tonkin, like much of the world, succumbed to the Great Depression, and the colonial government responded with only minor short-term or midterm solutions. Small planters were hit especially hard, and many lost their land. Peasants suffered disproportionately, and malnourishment abounded. Peasants flooded Hanoi in search of work, including desperate young women who moonlighted in the clandestine sex industry to avoid being forced to officially register on the police list of sex workers.

Cities recovered more quickly than the countryside, leading more migrants to inundate the cities.

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During the colonial period, the clandestine sex industry grew along with the rapid urbanization of Hanoi. On the Red River, the city was the center of riparian trade linking it to other areas of Tonkin. The 36 Streets section of Hanoi, also known as the Indigenous Quarter. Not surprisingly, Hanoi became a magnet for migrants. Injust before the French established a concession of the city, there were roughly 50, inhabitants. France took Hanoi as a protectorate in and established it as a concession in InHanoi was deated the capital of Indochina.

ByHanoi had a population of 85, inhabitants, with an additional 30, in the surrounding suburbs. From tothe colonial government planned Hanoi to be a modern city, well-known for its grand hotels and elegant shops as well as simple luxuries of electricity, running water, sanitation, and electric tramways that crisscrossed the town. As the administrative capital of Tonkin as well as Indochina at large, Hanoi was the seat of the governor-general and other administrative officials, along with foreign embassies.

Thanks to its proximity to natural resources and its large population base, Hanoi was the economic and industrial center of Tonkin. As Hanoi was a French concession, French law tolerated and regulated sex work in the city. Although the city never had a reserved quarter for sex work, its government restricted locations in which sex could be sold. For example, it forbade registered brothels from setting up shop near schools or public edifices. Because landlords preferred not to rent to sex workers, brothels ended up operating out of dilapidated houses with poor sanitation and rent that was four to five times the market value.

Colonial Hanoi had two major population centers. Hanoi: French Quarter. The Indigenous Quarter was also known as the 36 Streets section, with each street named after the products sold on it, including silk, rice, silver, sugar, and so forth. Residents of the Indigenous Quarter were mostly Vietnamese or Chinese.

Its reputation as a center of clandestine sex work dated back at least to the s.

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Inthere were two major centers for brothels in the Vietnamese section. InHanoi considered lowering the tax to lure them back after officials realized the tax had been an important source of revenue. Inthere were fewer than four hundred French residents in the city; bythe had risen to one thousand, and, byit had quadrupled to four thousand.

With its dodgy hotels and Chinese singing houses cramped into close quarters on Route Mandrine and Rue des Voiles, 43 clandestine brothels abounded. During the colonial period, this area of three hundred acres was occupied by the colonial military and surrounded by clandestine sex workers looking to take advantage of the large military customer base. Crowding the streets of Hanoi was a large itinerant workforce that helped shape the business of clandestine sex work.

At all hours of the day, peddlers and vendors circumambulated the streets selling soup, hotcakes, rice porridge, sweets, flowers, kitchenware, and handicrafts from nearby villages. Barbers and tailors set up street stalls every few blocks, shoe shiners hovered in doorways, and flower vendors wandered about hoping to stumble on romantic customers or women looking to brighten a room in their home. As they were poor and often migrants from the countryside, 47 itinerant vendors often sought extra income in the criminal underworld stealing, smuggling contraband alcohol, and participating in the clandestine sex industry.

Many itinerant vendors provided sex workers with support services, selling them food, transporting them around town, and, in some cases, serving as confidants of those who were being mistreated. A particularly influential contingent of itinerant workers were rickshaw pullers. Introduced to Tonkin from China and Japan in the s, rickshaws were sedan chairs set upon wheels in the back, with two poles held by the puller coolie-poussetypically a man twenty to forty years old, in the front. Rickshaws were initially intended for European customers, but as a Vietnamese middle class emerged, they came to be used by colonizer and colonized alike.

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